Mette Frederiksen, leader of the Social Democrats and Prime Minister of Denmark since 2019, has pursued a ’zero refugee’ policy throughout her career. Her government has been defined as progressive and liberal, yet Denmark under her tenure has pioneered a restrictive approach to immigration.
Denmark, about to take over the rotating presidency of the Council of the EU in July, now also co-leads an initiative of nine EU countries asking for the re-evaluation of the European Convention on Human Rights (referred to as the Convention) to allow countries to create easier expulsion procedures for migrants who commit crimes.
Appealing to the European Court of Human Rights
The document, published 22 May, was drafted by Denmark and Italy and signed by leaders of Austria, Belgium, the Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Italy, and Poland.
It argues that the Court may have “extended the scope of the Convention too far” and calls for a democratic discussion about its reinterpretation.
Signatories ask for “more room nationally to decide on when to expel criminal foreign nationals” and more allowance to keep track of “foreign criminals” that cannot be deported.
The use of migrants by hostile countries – such as Belarus – as instruments of political manipulation is also identified as a threat to national security, prompting a call for “effective steps” to counteract this tactic.
Some have criticised the move as overboard; Human Rights Watch told Eurobserver the European Court is always “careful not to overstep,” while migrant rights organisation Picum’s representative said it “conflates” issues of migration and crime for political gain.
‘No Migration’ Policy – Neutralising a Contentious Issue
Denmark has progressed into a liberal welfare state, with free public education for EU and EEA citizens, publicly funded universal healthcare, and ample unemployment aid. It was the first country in the world to introduce a tax on cow-produced carbon and last year it expanded abortion rights up to 18 weeks from the initial 12 to make sure legislation “keeps up with the times.”
But on migration, the party has taken a different approach.
After years of consultation with experts, they released “Retfaerdig og Realistisk” (roughly translates to Just and Realistic), which lists the basic tenets of the party’s migration policy: tougher rules for entering the country, more foreign aid to prevent waves, and rigorous integration efforts.
Kaare Dybvad Bek, who became Minister of Immigration and Integration in 2022, named temporary residency paramount to the issue in an interview with IPS, and to mean “that once people no longer have the need for international protection, they should return to their country of origin or former country of residence.”
To combat ‘parallel societies,’ the party introduced socio-economic neighbourhood categories. If over 50% of residents are “non-Western” immigrants, the public housing association must decrease social housing by 40% by 2030 by selling, demolishing, or converting properties, and terminating tenancies. The EU is yet to form an official opinion, but advisers in the EU Court of Justice have called the law discriminatory.
However, Denmark has enjoyed 4 opt-outs since the 1992 Maastricht Treaty, including one of Justice and Home Affairs, which regulates immigration and border control, allowing deviation from common EU asylum policy.
How the Far-Right was Neutralized
Immigration is a central issue for the far right; the German AfD, the British Reform UK, and the Italian Brothers of Italy have all gained significant support by cracking down on immigration.
The Danish Social Democrats’ integration of anti-immigration policy has pushed the country’s own right to the fringes of politics.
Other actions aided their success as well: they identified the working or lower class as the group that suffers most from immigration, which Frederiksen told The New York Times partly causes economic inequalities. They redirected funding from major cities to rural areas and small towns, where the far-right typically draws support.
The far right’s critical view of the EU has also been ineffective; EU membership is prioritised over NATO membership, especially in the wake of the Ukraine War, and is so cherished that the 2022 referendum withdrew the opt-out from common security policies.
The key to Frederiksen’s government’s success is moving right on immigration while moving left on other issues that moved Danish voters. By abandoning left-right alignment, they have established themselves as a party of sincerity, not just strategists.
“It is something we do because we actually believe in it,” Frederiksen told The New York Times.
“There is no doubt in my mind that traditional political parties taking immigration seriously is the reason why we don’t have large far-Right parties in Denmark,” Dybvad Bek told The Telegraph. “I think that is true for most European countries – if you take immigration back under democratic control, then you restrict how much the far-Right can grow.”
